Wednesday, December 26, 2012

Mattoon Opera excerpt, Flashback to France


Here is a bit of the "opera" version of the Mattoon story that I worked on for many years.

In trying to find a solution to where the Gas came from, I created a backstory for The gas, in the form of Flashback to France.



Narrator: A French farmhouse, forty miles
from the beaches of Normandy,
a lone German soldier sits. 
He contemplates the war and his part in it,
from his vantage point amid stacks and stacks
of Gas bombs.
German:   Halt!  Who goes there? 
Halt!  Or I'll shoot! 
Who goes there or I'll shoot! 

My English is not so bad. 
Two days of drilling. 
Friend or foe?  Halt! 
What is the password! 
Halt! 
Who won the nineteen-forty-two world series? 
The Boston Yankees! 
Halt! 

I have been left for rear-guard action--
to guard some bombs. 
The war is turning against Germany
since the allies landed at Normandy. 
Halt!  Who goes there? 
I am part of the large German war machine,
and they invent engines of death every day--
like these new bombs. 
What is so new about these bombs? 
They can kill like a soldier,
but can they think like a soldier? 
When they invent a bomb
as smart as I am, then I shall worry. 
Halt! 

I wish I had a cigarette. 
Bombs don't smoke cigarettes,
that's another reason why soldiers
are better than bombs. 
Bombs only smoke cigarettes
when they are fuses. 
They smoke one little cigarette,
and then all hell breaks loose. 
I could smoke a whole pack of cigarettes. 
A soldier needs a cigarette. 
A thousand bombs and not one cigarette. 
A fighting man like me
could do more destruction
with one bomb and a thousand cigarettes. 
Or just one Mauser. 
I'd trade all these bombs
for one cigarette. 
When the war is over,
there will be lots of cigarettes. 
American cigarettes
and English cigarettes. 
The others have told me of English cigarettes.  Seventeen summers I spent before I smoked. 
Besides the chance to
gloriously serve the Fatherland,
the army has given me
the habit of smoking. 
As a boy, before I was drafted into the army, cigarettes were scarce,
and those that were available,
were reserved for the soldiers of the Reich.  Smoking was a rite of manhood. 
Smoking was a badge of honor. 
I haven't smoked a cigarette
in over two months. 
Honor, we find in short supply
inside the army. 
Honor and cigarettes. 
But not bombs. 
Bombs we got!
Narrator: At the sound of a jeep approaching,
the German soldier grabs his gun
and takes up a position
where he can observe
from a protected hiding spot. 

Chemical warfare specialist,
SGT. BEN CHARTERS, 28,
and a FAT PRIVATE pull up
in their jeep and get out
with their gas masks and weapons.
Private:  A real French chatty-oh. 
It was a terrible struggle--
hand-to-mouth combat
through three miles of rugged vineyards. 
We waded through the wine country. 
Burgundy, champagne, Crackling Rose. 
At times, it was so bad,
I could barely bend an elbow. 
Eight months of the horrors of war,
capped off by...
The Battle of Chatty-oh ...de Neuf.
Charters: And I say, "de Neuf" is enough.
Narrator: A paper notice with the word "Verboten"
in large letters is tacked to the door. 
The Private pulls down the sign.
Private:  We ripped through their defenses,
and prepared for the final onslaught. 
In a few short hours, the battle is over,
the wine of victory is ours.
Narrator: The two soldiers put on their gas masks
and walk through the open door.
Charters: The war is turning in our favor. 
The Third Army pushes the Germans from France,
and soon will reach the Rhine,
and contain the German terror. 
The war will be over by Christmas. 
The Germans are in full-flight. 
They leave in a hurry,
and their weapons of destruction
remain unattended.
Narrator: Charters shines his flashlight around the dark house. 
Gas shells are stacked everywhere. 
Charters and the fat private wind their way through
the serpentine pathways between shells.
Private:  Hail the Conquering Hero! 
What a welcome I'll get when I come back. 
It'll be bring the fatted calf
and open the best bottle of scotch. 
And all day long, I'll regale them
with the stories of my war-time exploits. 
Who knows?  I may parlay this
into some political office. 
War heroes are always popular
come election day. 
Look at Grant.
Charters: When I go home, it's to relax. 
My home town is south of Chicago,
in central Illinois, a quiet city,
you've probably never heard of. 
The best thing for me,
after seeing the horrors that war brings,
will be to see the normalcy
of everyday life. 
I want post-war life
to be no-war life.
Private:  Sure, Sarge, sure.  You think
I ever want to do this again? 
Not me.  Not ever. 
In fact, after we wrap things up here,
I'm headed state-side. 
My hitch is up and I'm due
to be shipped home.
Charters: It looks as if
Germany had enough gas bombs
to pummel England into submission. 
There must be a thousand tons
of bombs in this chateau. 
We've got to secure this place. 
Why would they leave
all these bombs unguarded?
Private:  They was in a hurry,
on account of they heard
we was coming.
Charters: One of these bombs is enough
to wipe out one whole division of men. 
Six of these bombs
would wipe out my home town. 
It is a monstrous conceit
when man plays god.
Narrator: The two soldiers climb down the stairs to the cellar,
and on every side are stacked gas-filled artillery shells.
Charters: Oh, orderly German mind
that would stack
the instruments of death
like so much fine, rare wine. 
Blue cross gas, as fine
as the finest burgundy. 
PS gas, the Port Sunny chloropicrin
that closes the throat,
as deadly as a good port is smooth. 
Mustard gas, a good year,
better than the Mouton. 
Green cross gas, stockpiled,
laid in like a vintage Grenoble white. 

In this wine-cellar of death,
there are three doors. 
Behind any of these
could lurk a German with a Sten gun. 
You take the first door
and I will cover you.
Private:  Nothing. 
Spiders, but no rats. 
Door number two,
I'll cover you.
Charters: It's locked. 
It's nothing
but an old cistern. 
What is behind door number three?
Private:  It's too dark to see. 
Nothing but a crawlspace.
Charters: We'd better check it out.
Private:  This round peg
won't fit in that square hole.
Charters: Hold my gun and give me a boost. 
You keep a watch on the roost.
Private:  Smoke 'em if you got 'em. 
And brother, do I got 'em.
Charters: This is the life of a soldier. 
Moving in the dark,
never knowing what is ahead of you. 
The darkness is enveloping,
the smell of wet earth. 
This is what death must be like. 
There is nothing here,
ten feet of coffin,
a trench dug in the rocky soil. 
There is nothing here, but wait. 
Up ahead, something I cannot make out. 
This is an ignominious end for a G.I.,
an earthworm with dirt down his neck. 
They say an army travels on its stomach,
but--this-- 
A few feet more--
it is just a french postcard,
a poor joke on me. 
Now, I must back out. 
Soldiers aren't made to crawl,
especially backwards. 
I must be stuck on a root
or something.
Narrator: The German watches the Fat Private smoke a cigarette.
German:   A cigarette. 
I have not seen
a cigarette in months. 
The smoke of battle
is a poor substitute
for the demon tobacco. 
For his cigarette alone,
I would kill him. 
Has it come to this? 
A cigarette means more to me
than the Fatherland? 
I can do both! 
I'll kill him
for the Fatherland,
and take his cigarette. 
Like this!
Narrator: Charters, in the crawlspace, calls to the Fat Private.
Charters: Hey, grab my feet and pull.
Private:  His master's voice.
Narrator: The private sets down his rifle
and grabs Charters by the feet. 
The German soldier sneaks up
behind the Fat Private and slits his throat. 
Before the body can hit the floor,
the German takes the cigarette
from the Private's mouth,
and inhales deeply. 

The German Soldier straps on his gas mask
and unscrews the detonator
from one of the gas bombs. 
It leaks deadly gas.
German:   The sweet smoke billows up. 
I take it deep into my lungs,
and there is peace. 
A calmness and a quietness
unknown in war. 
It is not the peace
that this flabby American
now shares with the dirt. 
Two lives given
to the glorious Reich. 
Has he any more cigarettes? 
That would be an even greater contribution
to the Reich, right now.
Narrator: Charters, still trapped inside the crawlspace,
smells the gas, and struggles harder to get out.
Charters: Private?  Are you there? 
Can you reach my feet? 
I am stuck! 
Are you smoking out there? 
Give me a hand! 
I smell smoke...
and apple blossoms. 
Why would I smell
apple blossoms in August? 
It must be my imagination. 
No, it is apple blossoms I smell. 
It is a gas. 
What smells like apple blossoms? 
I remember garlic. 
I remember geraniums. 
I smell dirt, but damn! 
I smell apple blossoms.
The Gas:  Relax. 
Have no fear. 
Fear only prolongs
the agony. 
Accept the sweet sleep. 
Close your drowsy eyes
and breathe deeply
of the apple blossoms. 
When it is apple blossom time
in Indiana,
it is time for sleep
in German-occupied France...
Narrator: THE GAS seems to have a personality,
and engulfs Charters slowly, almost welcomingly. 
Fade to black.  

Monday, December 24, 2012

Mattoon Opera excerpt, Thatcher and the reporters

One of the mainstays of the opera is the Sextette (or quintet or octette, etc) where several characters sing together in often overlapping lines. To me, in this story, is Thatcher meeting with her fellow reporters, who are separate people but appear as one "character."


Narrator: Charters opens the door to his hotel room,
dog-tired and ready for sleep.
Charters: That bed looks so good.
Thatcher: Doesn't it though?
Charters: Forty winks sounds good.
Thatcher: You forget, roomie,
that we're on my shift now.
Charters: But, I just need a little sleep.
Thatcher: If you  didn't sleep last night
that's your problem. 
I was out all night
covering this gasser,
and I'll be asleep
as soon as I wire this story
to Chicago. 
Didn't you hear
all the commotion
last night?
Charters: No, it was a little quiet
where I was. 
I was locked up in jail.
Thatcher: That's right. 
I forgot. 
You don't need sleep,
you need a stiff drink. 
Come with me.
Narrator: Harry's Bar is the reporter's hangout. 
Half a dozen newsmen monopolize
the tables near the door.
Rep #1:   My editor called and he wants more facts.
Rep #2:   My editor called and he wants more photos.
Rep #3:   My editor said he needs more quotes.
Rep #4:   My editor said he needs something for the roto.
Thatcher: My editor called and he wants more bicarbonate.
Rep #1:   Thatcher, you're a sight for sore eyes.
Rep #2:   Come over and sit down, Sister Rat.
Rep #3:   The paper's been put to bed.
Rep #4:   And we're getting ready to tuck it in.
Thatcher: You fellows look like
you've been tucking it in
for a couple of hours now.
Rep #1:   Thatcher, you've got us all wrong!
Rep #2:   We would never start festivities...
Rep #3:   Until the Her Royal Highness
has arrived.
Rep #4:   Gentlemen, please stand. 
I give you The Pulitzer Princess!
Rep #1:   The Hearst Heiress!
Rep #2:   The Five-Star Filly!
Rep #3:   The Blue-Streak Bathsheba!
Rep #4:   The Copyboy's Cleopatra!
Thatcher: All right.  I get the idea. 
You bums squeeze over. 
I'm trailing baggage today. 
Meet the soldier boy.
Rep #1:   Glad to meet you, soldier.
Rep #2:   Park it right there, Patton.
Rep #3:   Seen much action, soldier?
Rep #4:   He means over in the European Theatre.
Charters: I didn't think he meant in the Bijou.
Thatcher: Leave him be, boys,
or we're gonna send him back
to the front with a case of
battle fatigue.
Rep #1:   The best thing in the world
for a case of battle fatigue...
Rep #2:   Is a case of Kentucky bourbon.
Rep #3:   To Patton and the First Army.
Rep #4:   Patton is with the Third Army?
Rep #3:   He is?  Well, who's on First?
Thatcher: Did you boys all file your stories?
Rep #1:   You mean Ramona Driskell on Winnetka Ave?
Rep #2:   Filed.  Hours ago.
Rep #3:   Filed and forgotten.
Rep #4:   "Phantom makes Big Noise on Winnetka."
Rep #1:   Nice,  But, of course,
your editor will kill it.
Rep #4:   You can't be talking about my editor.
Rep #3:   Yeah.  You must mean some other
illiterate son-of-a-bitch
with the personality of
a bowl of stewed prunes.
Rep #2:   Before they made him,
they broke the mold.
Rep #1:   Reminds me of an editor
I worked for in St. Louis. 
He ran the Hindenberg story
in the obits because he thought
it was the German Chancellor.
Rep #2:   My editor was so dumb...
Rep #3:   My editor was so dumb...
Rep #4:   My editor was so dumb,
he listened to the publisher!
Rep #1:   So what's the latest on the great man-hunt?
Rep #2:   I hear the chief is holding a secret suspect.
Rep #3:   I hear the chief is holding a secret bottle.
Rep #4:   Bottom right drawer,
right next to his good conduct medal.
Rep #2:   Any ideas about that, Thatcher?
Thatcher: I don't know anything about good conduct, boys.
Rep #1:   Now, what's the line on this phantom? 
I'm doing an opinion piece
for the Sunday edition.
Rep #3:   Smart money says it's somebody
with a knack for chemistry
and a grudge against this town.
Rep #4:   I heard the chief rousted
the whole high school chemistry class.
Rep #3:   There's one fella from
a socially prominent family.  
Rep #2:   A chemistry whiz who's gone round the bend.  
Rep #3:   Mixes up helium high balls
in his basement laboratory.
Thatcher: Do you know who they're talking about?
Charters: Sounds like Arnold Sweetland. 
Brilliant, but a little unbalanced. 
The richest family in town.
Rep #4:   Fear mongers say it's an escaped German POW.
Rep #2:   The paranoid element
believes it's a new
secret government experiment
that they don't want
to tell us about.
Rep #3:   Long money says it's Mussolini hisself.
Rep #4:   Around the barber shop,
the feeling is it's
the mayor's brother-in-law. 
Up from Missouri.
Rep #1:   Which is a good place to be up from. 
Okay fellas, give me a quote.
Rep #2:   We have nothing to fear, but fear itself.
Rep #3:   You can't cheat an honest man.
Rep #4:   It never rains but it pours.
Rep #1:   The mayor, reached at
his campaign headquarters said...
Rep #2:   A vote for me is a vote for graft!
Rep #3:   Honest, she told me she was eighteen!
Rep #4:   If Hearst can't take a joke
he can kiss my hairy butt!
Rep #1:   Okay.  That's good for the city edition. 
Now, how about the blue streak?
Thatcher: That does it for me, gentlemen,
and I use the term loosely.
Rep #2:   No news out there Thatcher. 
This phantom is strictly
a nocturnal creature.
Rep #3:   You want to be careful. 
You don't want to mix
with the natives unless
you've had all your shots.
Rep #4:   We don't want to be
seeing your name in the papers.
Rep #1:   Not even your byline.
Charters: Goodbye, gentlemen.
Rep #2:   So long, general. 
It's been nice chatting.
Rep #3:   We'll meet back here
under the clock when
the war's over.
Rep #4:   Smoke 'em if you've got 'em,
general.
SFX:   Thatcher and Charters leave the bar.

Sunday, December 23, 2012

Mattoon Opera excerpt, "Hotel" scene

Here is a bit of the "opera" version of the Mattoon story that I worked on for many years.

Gladys Thatcher, a female reporter from Chicago, has just arrived in Mattoon to cover the Mad Gasser story.


Narrator: Just arrived on the train from Chicago,
Gladys "Becky" Thatcher,
a hard-bitten newspaperwoman,
strides purposefully across
the lobby of the Grant Hotel.
Thatcher: One, get a room
at the best hotel in town. 
The best people
and the big wheels
go to the best hotels,
and they are the ones
who can comment on
the news of the day. 
Two, get a news round-up every day. 
Take the pulse of the town. 
How do they feel about the war,
about the president,
about the congress,
about rationing,
about taxes,
about marriage.

Find out how they feel about
marriage and the career woman. 
How do they feel about
families and the career woman. 
How do they feel about
dating a career woman. 
How does the career woman feel? 
Twenty-nine and still waiting
for my first by-line. 
How come all the men I meet
are either cops or criminals? 
How come I care? 
And why do I suddenly
come to this realization
in the middle of a war--
the biggest man shortage there is. 
If I join the service,
I could have a dating pool
of a million GIs. 
I could go for a man in uniform. 

How does the career woman
feel about our men in uniform? 
How does small-town Illinois
feel about men in uniform? 
How does small-town Illinois
feel about the war? 
How does small-town Illinois
feel about career women? 

List of important people. 
Portable typewriter. 
And flowers at the station
from my editor.  The tight-wad. 
List of city-desk phone numbers
of all Hearst newspapers. 
Spare typewriter ribbon.
Narrator: At the desk, she struggles with her suitcase
and portable typewriter, and gets them situated. 
She reaches out to ring the desk bell. 
Charters beats her to it.  They smile at each other. 
The Desk Clerk pops up from behind the desk
and catches their glances and smiles.
Thatcher: I'd like a room.
Charters: I'd like a room.
Clerk:   You're in luck.  Newlyweds?
Thatcher: No.
Clerk:   I just ask because most soldiers are newlyweds.
Charters: We're not married.
Clerk:   Well, then I can't rent you a room. 
Even though it's 1944, this is Mattoon and not Chicago.
Thatcher: No, you misunderstand. 
We're not together.
Clerk:   Then, what do you want
one room for?
Charters: We'd each like one room.
Clerk:   Oh, I see.  You both came up together, like. 
So, I thought you were together, like. 
But I can't rent you each a room.
Charters: Why not?
Clerk:   Because I only have one room left.
Charters: Let me sign the register.
Thatcher: A gentleman would let a lady
have the room.
Charters: I'll tell you what, I'll do even better. 
I'll put in a good word for you with Miss Smith. 
She has a room for rent that would be perfect for you. 
It's a very nice room.
Thatcher: But I need to have a room at the hotel. 
Why don't you take the room with Miss Smith?
Charters: Because she only rents to refined young ladies.
Thatcher: Well, that lets me out.  Good luck, soldier-boy.
Charters: Thanks.  For nothing.
Thatcher: You're welcome.

Narrator: After she checks in, Thatcher finds a dejected Charters in the hotel's tap room. 
She sits down next to him at the bar.
Thatcher: Hi.
Charters: Hello.
Thatcher: Fancy meeting you here.
Charters: What do you want?
Thatcher: I thought you might like to buy a girl a drink.
Charters: Ohh.  Is that why you needed a room at the hotel.
Thatcher: Calm down, soldier-boy. 
Is this your first time state-side? 
I was wondering if we could strike a deal?
Charters: What sort of deal?
Thatcher: I'm a reporter for a big Chicago daily.
Charters: You're a WOMAN reporter on a Chicago paper?
Thatcher: That's the war for you. 
Institutions crumbling right and left. 
Anyway, as I'm a reporter
covering the night beat,
I only need the room
in the daytime, to sleep. 
How about we go halvsies? 
I can't throw out a soldier-boy. 
It wouldn't be patriotic.
Charters: What do you mean, halvsies?
Thatcher: You have the room at night,
exclusively, and I have the room
in the day.  We share the room,
but we don't share the night,
together.  We will share a bed,
but not share a pillow.
Charters: I don't know, but I guess I'm desperate. 
It's a deal.  Half the room,
half the time, for half the rent. 
Half-heartedly.
Thatcher: Done.  Let's drink on it. 
Then I have to go to work.
Narrator: The police chief comes in and sits at the bar;
he's almost off duty, he rationalizes,
and he orders a drink.
Chief:   First of the day.
Narrator: He downs the drink in one gulp.

Narrator: The late August night settles on the city, 
Narrator: Later that night, George Ryder,greets his wife at the door with a kiss as she returns from work.
Susan:   Hi.  Sorry, I'm late. 
You probably have to go.
Ryder:   Tough day?
Susan:   You don't know. 
The baby eat yet?
Ryder:   No.You know,
I don't like you working so hard.
Susan:   It's only for a little bit. 
The money's too good to pass up. 
It really helps.
Ryder:   I don't like you
making beds at the hotel. 
A lot of nuts
and guys from out of town.
Susan:   Let me tell you
about this guy. 
I'm making the bed in 318. 
Nice neat room,
just needs a little
straightening up. 
You can always tell
when a woman has been in a room--
she keeps it neat like her home. 
Now, a man--he's only there
for a night or two,
and men aren't as neat.
Ryder:   Is this about the laundry? 
I put all my dirty clothes
in the laundry hamper
and I even carried it downstairs.
Susan:   No, no. 
I'm dusting a room
obviously occupied by a woman. 
Plus it's registered
to a woman named Thatcher. 
I just made the bed
and in walks a man.
Ryder:   What did he want?
Susan:   That's what I ask him. 
He excuses himself. 
Only he says it's his room. 
So I give him the once over. 
You and your wife? I ask him. 
And, he says, no, just him. 
I ask him about the peign-noir
that's laid out on the bed? 
He says it's a present
for his sister. 
I'm not buying that. 
I ask him about the stockings
hanging in the bathroom--
they've obviously been worn. 
He says they're his.
Ryder:   Oh, jeez.
Susan:   He says he's had
bad circulation in his legs
and his doctor prescribed them. 
So, I ask him about
the lipstick and eyeshadow
and face powder in the bathroom? 
Are they his too? 
Did the doctor prescribe
them for a skin condition? 
He turns around and leaves.
Ryder:   I'll talk to the boss,
maybe there's a way
I can work some more overtime
so you won't have to work. 
Jeez, I gotta go
or I'll be late. 
Here's the baby. 
I'll see you
tomorrow morning.
Susan:   Good night, George. 
I love you. 
Do you have your lunch?
Narrator: She cleans the kitchen, while trying
to get her two-year-old to eat some dinner. 
He keeps throwing food on the floor--
it is a losing battle. 
After the two-year-old is in bed,
she returns to the cleaning. 
She starts anxiously at a sound outside,
but listens and hears nothing. 
She decides she will drown out the "night noises"
and turns on the radio--
to a classical broadcast by the Boston Symphony. 
As she sweeps in the corners,
the dust bunnies roll across the floor
caught in the draft from the open back door. 
She closes the door, but doesn't lock it.

Taking up her mending,
she settles in the living room
of her small cape cod. 
She is a little nervous...
until the music soothes her--
or is it the gas--
it makes her feel relaxed,
and peaceful,
then faint,
and then sick. 
She wakens with a start
and finds her legs are paralyzed. 
She drags herself to the phone
and dials operator. 
She tells her to call the police--
she has been gassed!

Thursday, December 20, 2012

I've wanted to tell this story for a long, long time. It has many fascinating aspects to it, the never-solved mystery of just what happened, the setting and time period (hometown America during World War II), and the excesses of the Chicago press coverage.

I began looking up and reading everything I could find on the subject. Looking up old Chicago newspapers, and even, on a trip through the midwest, taking a detour to Mattoon, a very trusting small town. I wanted to look at the back issues of the Mattoon Journal and stopped in at the office and asked if I could. They said they had back issues on microfilm, but no microfilm reader, but the library down the street had a reader. They handed me the microfilm reels and let me walk off with them. Naturally, I went to the library and read the microfilm (their reader did not have a printer attached, so I had to take notes) and returned the microfilm to the newspaper office.

I began to construct a story based on a returning GI from Mattoon, trying to string events together that would include the Phantom, the "deranged chemistry student," a female reporter who teams up with the GI. But, the "accepted" answer of mass hysteria did not work -- an unsatisfying climax unequal to the GI/Reporter duo.

I began to think of the Gas as a character in itself, separate from the Phantom; it was the Gas as an incarnation of Evil. The more I worked on this, it seemed too melodramatic, fantastic, even operatic. So I revised the story, adding a European prologue and a climactic fight between the GI and the Gas at the Atlas Diesel Works. Wow.

But, of course, it still didn't capture the true story or the human drama.

About this time, a new technology was being introduced -- the DVD. And, when it was first introduced, a lot of the hype about it was the ability to switch scenes or angles while you were watching the movie. You could, during a scene of a movie, press a button and see the same scene from another angle, or an alternate take of the scene. This ability to show alternate takes or parallel tracks of a movie fascinated me. I thought that you couldn't really tell the story of Mattoon within the frame work of one movie, so why not three movies, that would be constructed in parallel so you could switch from one film to another and still get the gist of the story.

The three movies would be a noir movie, a Big Hollywood film and a more "character-driven" drama.

More to come, later.

Tuesday, November 6, 2012

CORONET Magazine (Digest)

Published June 1953


The Madman of Mattoon

Women lived in fear of the phantom who seemed to haunt this Illinois town

by Reed Millard

One September night in 1944, eight state police cars converged on what had once been a quiet, peaceful Illinois community of 17,000 people. What they discovered there ended the desperate search for the man who had thrown a city into panic, baffled detectives and astounded scientists. The almost incredible story has given the name of Mattoon, Illinois, a unique place in the history of American crime--and in textbooks on sociology and psychology.

The police got a hint of the terror to come on the night of September 2nd, when they received a frantic call from a hysterical woman. "My friend--a man tried to kill her with poison gas!" she cried.
A squad car screamed to the scene and the victim of the strange attacked gasped out her story. She had been alone, her husband working on the night shift at a nearby factory. At about midnight she awakened "with a feeling I was being suffocated...The room was filled with a peculiar sickish odor like sweet smelling flowers. I tried to get up but my legs seemed paralyzed. Finally, I crawled to the telephone and called next door..."

Patiently the patrolman examined the window screen, which seemed to be properly in place. With equal care, he checked the doors, noting the fact that one was unlocked. He went outside and played his flashlight carefully on every part of the yard. There were no recently made depressions on the damp earth and grass.

Then he went back to talk to the still distraught woman. "Maybe," he suggested to the victim, "you just had a bad dream."

The woman shook her head. "I was gassed," she said positively. "I'm still sick."

"You didn't see anybody?" the patrolman persisted.

This time there was some hesitation before the admission, "No, but I know there was someone there."

His questioning getting him no place, the officer urged the woman to go back to bed.

The whole thing was puzzling, he had to admit, but he filed a routine report and dismissed it as the sort of zany happeneing that every policeman encounters.

The next day the telephone at police headquarters rang with calls reporting two similar incidents. And three nights later there came a call that again sent a patrol car racing along darkened streets. The policeman who rushed into the house found a hysterical woman, apparently partly paralyzed and violently ill. Her story checked exactly with the one reported earlier.

The harried police had no sooner finished their checkup of this curious repeat performance, when a third call sent them to another address. Again, they found a paralyzed woman who sobbed out the now familiar account.

Doubting the possibility of a strange marauder being abroad in this peaceful neighborhood, the police could only shrug their shoulders and put it down as a bizarre, but insignificant, episode. A search of the area in daylight turned up no clues, and the women, though no longer hysterical, could do no more than repeat their descriptions of the strange "sickish sweet" gas.

However, the police soon had reason to take a grimmer view of what had happened. Whoever--or whatever--was stalking the city was apparently hurrying swiftly through one section of town after another, making his weird attacks.

Alarmed, Chief C. E. Cole summoned the town's entire force of ten policemen to meet what was developing into an emergency. Yet, though a dozen women reported identical assaults, not a single helpful clue was turned up.

Chief Cole began to suspect, almost hope, that the women, often alone and jittery anyway, had smelled the fumes of chemicals from a nearby war plant.

Impossible, the manager snorted.

"There's no gas escaping. We've been operating for years; surely it would have been noticed before."

Doctors examining the victims also shook their heads at the explanation. Unquestionably, some of the women <I>had</I> been paralyzed.

The next night the Chief's theory took another blow--and the case got its first break. One terrified woman screamed over the telephone, "I saw him!"

When the squad car arrived, she calmed down enough to describe what had happened. An unfamiliar sound had awakened her, and in the shadowy outline of the window she had caught a glimpse of a dark figure. He seemed to be pumping something like an insecticide sprayer. Then she smelled the mysterious gas, and screamed.

The marauder turned and ran, but as he did, she saw that he was tall, thin, apparently dressed in black. He was, she was sure, wearing a black skull cap. The next night, police got another baffling clue. This time, the victim was drinking coffee with her husband when she happened to glance out the window. On the porch she saw a piece of white cloth with what appeared to be a red stain on it. She went out and picked it up.

Almost as if compelled to do so, she held it up to her nose, then staggered and screamed. Her husband rushed out to find her lying on the floor. She was rushed to a doctor, who reported that she appeared to be partially paralyzed.

Later, she told questioning police, "It was as if a charge of electricity ran through me. It burned--but I couldn't move."

Here at least was a tangible exhibit, the first actual object that might be connected with the macabre events. Perhaps the piece of cloth had been left here by the phantom, after he saturated it with the paralyzing chemical he used.

The Illinois Criminal Investigation Laboratory rushed down a chemical expert, Richard T. Piper. After studying and analyzing the cloth, he decided that it might have been soaked with a substance called chloropicrin, but he wasn't sure. However, Piper had to admit that he was mystified, for if chloropicrin was involved, it did not seem that this would explain the paralyzing effect of the rag. FBI experts expressed similar bewilderment.

Meanwhile terror stalked Mattoon, for the weird attacks on women increased. In a single night, 7 calls came in. The town's policemen, hollow-eyed from lack of sleep, were given no rest. The Department was deluged with calls from citizens demanding protection. Reporters swarmed in from news services and big Chicago dailies.

Soon, angry, worried citizens acted to take the law into their own hands. Cars filled with men carrying shotguns began to prowl the streets. Neighbors organized their own vigilante squads to patrol groups of houses.

When frantic businessmen planned a mass meeting to discuss the thing that was happening to their town, Thomas Wright, police commissioner, gave them warning.

"If this goes on any longer," he said flatly, "somebody is going to get killed--and it won't be from gas. The people here are losing all control of themselves. They're getting hysterical. I wouldn't walk through anybody's back yard right now for $10,000."

Admitting that the local police were indeed at their wit's end, Commissioner Wright sent out an SOS to the state police. They took the affair as seriously as did the excited citizenry, for into Mattoon they rushed eight squad cars and a mobile radio unit.

Carefully Captain Harry Curtis, in charge of the contingent, planned a shrewd deployment so that one of his cars could arrive at any point in the city in a matter of seconds. Each was in touch with the others by two-way radio; if need be, all could converge on a single point almost instantly.

But Captain Curtis had other plans which he was not talking about, except to Mattoon police and a few citizens who would be needed to carry them out. One of them was Dr. B. Raymond Cole, who was ready at Memorial Methodist Hospital.

Tensely the officers waited for autumn darkness to fall. At 10 o'clock, the first call came. A frantic woman was crying the familiar words. "Help...help...I've been gassed...the madman..."

Smoothly the call went out to the nearest patrol car. Thirty seconds later it was in front of the house, where stern-faced state patrolmen rushed inside.

Picking up the hysterical woman, they raced to the hospital, where Dr. Cole stood waiting. He immediately examined the victim.

His report was an amazing one. "There is nothing wrong with her. Pulse normal. No temperature. No mouth burns. No indications of paralysis. I advise taking her back to her home."

She had hardly left the hospital when news of another attack reached the police. It occurred in a strange place--in a downtown theater. There, a woman suddenly screamed and collapsed on the floor. Officers entering the theater had to fight their way through a milling crowd of excited patrons.

This new victim was hurried into the hospital. Again Dr. Cole made the same quick appraisal, "Nothing wrong with her."

Through the evening, more of the frantic calls came in. Each time the frightened victim was examined, and each time the doctor's verdict was the same.

Finally, the calls stopped. The telephones at police headquarters would never ring again with a report of an assault by the phantom.

Who was the madman of Mattoon? The answer is as fantastic as it is simple. There never had been a madman who sprayed a strange gas at unsuspecting victims. He was a phantom that lurked only in the human mind.

Hysteria, pure and simple, had driven a town to the verge of civic insanity, with who knows what explosive consequences had not the authorities suspected and uncovered the true culprit--an almost unbelievably swift network along which spread the fearful rumor. Nothing more than this grapevine, combined with the impact of unreasoning fear on suggestible minds, had created the incredible affair.

Fortunately, the police guessed correctly that rushing victims to the hospital would provide sobering news, to be quickly spread on this fear-born communications system, jolting the potentially hysterical back to the senses.

Let no one scoff at the mad thing that happened in Mattoon. For it was a form of the same kind of crazy panic that sent people streaming out of big cities on the night of Orson Welles' "War of the Worlds" broadcast. It is a form of mass hysteria that psychologists warn could be a sinister tool for any enemy nation, fiendishly clever at using rumor and hysteria as a weapon.

Sunday, November 4, 2012

Abnormal Psychology article, Part 2

Abnormal Psychology, Part 2

The "Phantom Anesthetist" of Mattoon

A Field Study of Mass Hysteria

Characteristics of the Susceptible

Sample: Thus far in our investigation we have treated the Mattoon affair as a social phenomenon. The next question, and perhaps the most important, concerns the individuals in the affair. Why were some people susceptible while their next-door neighbors were not? Phrased in more workable form the question becomes one of finding differences between the susceptible sample and the rest of the population of Mattoon. The experimental literature on suggestibility and the clinical literature on hysteria offered several attractive hypotheses for check, but the nature of the case put a distinct limitation on the methods which could be used. It was apparent from the first few interviews that the victims, while they would talk about the "gassing," and their symptoms, and similar superficial matters, would not be willing to cooperate in any inquiry directed toward, for example, unconscious motivation. They had been victimized twice: once by the concatenation of factors, environmental and personal, which produced the symptoms, and later by publicity and gossip, which carried the implication that people who have hysterical attacks are more peculiar, or less sincere, than their neighbors. For these reasons the best one could hope for was a description of the sample in respect of a few objective characteristics.
The 1940 Census Reports (8) give data on a number of characteristics of the Mattoon population; getting the same data for our sample would permit a comparison in these respects. Those characteristics were selected which seemed easy to verify and of possible significance for the present problem: age, sex, schooling, economic level, and occupation. Age was estimated and, in doubtful cases, checked by the estimates of acquaintances. To get a picture of the economic level of the sample four conveniences were used as indices: radio, mechanical refrigerator, electricity, and telephone. Percentages for the first three are given in the Census Reports. The number of residential telephones in Mattoon was kindly furnished by the manager of the local telephone agency, and the percentage computed in reference to the number of occupied dwelling units given in the Census Reports. The Census Bureau's descriptions of their occupational categories were studied before the interviewing began so that the necessary data could be obtained. For example, the Reports state specifically that railway brakemen are classed as "Operatives" while locomotive engineers and firemen are classed as "Craftsmen, Foremen and Kindred Workers." Furthermore in a small town like Mattoon the variety of jobs is limited and cross-checking is relatively easy. Hence placing the occupations of the sample into the Census Bureau's categories offered less difficulty than might be expected. A woman's occupation was used if she worked, otherwise her husband's. (Only two women had husbands in military service. One of these worked, hence her own occupation was used. In the other case the husband had been inducted only recently so his civilian occupation was used.) All these data are brought together in Table I for comparison with similar data for the total population of Mattoon.
TABLE I. 
The Sample of "Gasser" Victims Compared with the Total Population of Mattoon in Respect to Certain Objective Characteristics.
SEXPERCENTAGE OF SAMPLEPERCENTAGE OF POPULATION
Women9352
AGE
Below 10014
10-19018
20-293717
30-391615
40-492113
50-591610
60-69107
Over 7006
EDUCATION
Grade school only7158
Some high school2932
Some college010
INDICES OF ECONOMIC LEVEL
Electricity8095
Radio8091
Mechanical refrigerator2846
Telephone3360
OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES
Professional and semi-professional07
Proprietors, managers, and officials1613
Clerical, sales, and kindred workers3221
Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers516
Operatives3724
Laborers, farm laborers, and farm formen105
Domestic service05
Service workers, except domestic09
Statistically speaking, the sample is small; the number of cases on which the percentages in Table I are based varies from 14 for schooling to 29 for sex. The table includes, however, nearly all the cases in which physical symptoms were reported. The investigator checked police records and newspaper accounts for names and found a few others while interviewing. Two people could not be found at home despite repeated calls. three had left town. One would not talk to the investigator. Some of the data on these were obtained from acquaintances. Table I gives us at least a partial description of the people who were most intensely affected by the excitement.
To begin with, the sample has a much greater proportion of women than the general population of the city. This is in agreement with the laboratory studies on suggestibility (1) and the clinical reports on hysteria (5,6). All of the cases have been married but one, who was about twenty years old. As to the age data a word of explanation is necessary. In three cases mothers reported that their children had been "gassed." Since the investigator did not talk to the children apart from their mothers, these cases were eliminated. In two of these cases the mothers reported symptoms for themselves also, hence it is only the age data which are affected. Aside from the absence of children the most noticeable difference between the sample and the population is the surplus in the age group 20 to 29. The significance of this, if it is not accidental, is not obvious.
Since children are more suggestible than adults (1), why were there not more children in the sample? Many children probably did accept the suggestion in the sense that they reported to their parents that they saw the "gasser" or smelled gas. While the dynamics of symptom-formation are not well understood and may be different in each case, it does seem likely that adults would be more inclined to the withdrawing, incapacitating sort of symptoms which appeared in this "epidemic" than children. In the case reported by Schuler and Parenton(7) among high-school children the symptoms were of a more positive, lively nature.
In education the sample is below the total population. This too might have been predicted from the literature on suggestibility.
From the economic indices it seems clear that the sample is less prosperous than the population at large, at least in respect to these four conveniences. The investigator also classified the sample into the economic groups A, B, C, D, according to a widely used scheme based on the location and appearance of the home, occupation, conveniences, and the like. (The investigator has had some experience in using this scheme in consumer research for the Psychological Corporation.) In terms of these categories the sample was about equally divided between the C and D groups. There were two cases which could possibly have been put into the B group. It is noteworthy that no attacks occurred in either of Mattoon's two high-income areas.
Our sample, then, is characterized by low educational and economic level. These two characteristics go together in our culture. In a study similar in some respects to the present study Cantril (2) found that those people who were most strongly influenced by the Orson Welles 1938 broadcast, "War of the Worlds," were likewise of low educational and economic level. No doubt it is education which is more directly related to suggestibility. Cantril found that the better educated were more critical in that they made more and better outside checks on the authenticity of the broadcast and thus were less frequently panicked.
The data on occupation are not clear-cut since the categories used by the Census Bureau were not constructed for studies of this kind. As the number of cases on which good occupational data were available was only 19, the number in some categories was small, and some rearrangement was advisable. The category "Farmers and farm managers" was eliminated as there were none in the sample and less than 1 per cent in the general population. Professional and semi-professional classes were combined. "Laborers, except farm," was combined with "farm laborers and farm foremen." The category "Proprietors, managers, and officials" is a broad one which could include a wide variety of people, hence it is of little use to us. The proprietors of small shops and rooming houses.
As it stands Table I shows a lack of any professional or semi-professional people, which agrees with the data on educational level. A fairly clear-cut vertical comparison can be made if we consider the craftsmen and foremen as skilled workers, the operatives as semi-skilled, and the laborers as unskilled. The proportion of the sample in these three groups decreases--in comparison with the proportion in the population at large--as the amount of skill increases. It is hard to account for the lack of service workers and domestic service workers in the sample. The susceptibility of domestics might be influenced by their living arrangements and by contact with their employers, who in general are in the educated, high-income group. As to the other service workers, one explanation is that police, firemen, and hospital workers were in a sense "on the inside." Also, it is known that, while there has been little change in the Mattoon population in general since 1940, jobs connected with the servicing of automobiles have decreased considerably. But none of these "explanations" is very convincing.
The interviews, one can easily realize, were conducted under rather unfavorable conditions. It was not possible to get any insight into personality makeup of the victims except in a very superficial way. But it was possibly usually for the investigator to work in a few general questions about the victim's health. In only fourteen cases was any information obtained in this way, but, of these, eight, or over half, replied with such phrases as "always been nervous," "never sleep much," and "doctoring for nerves." We have no control data for the total population, but the percentage does seem extraordinarily high. The interview data do not go far, but they reinforce the diagnosis of hysteria and show, as far as they go, that, extraordinary as the Mattoon affair may be on the surface, psychologically it follows a familiar pattern.

Conclusions

Analysis of records available at Mattoon together with the results of interviews with most of the victims leads to the conclusion that the case of the "phantom anesthetist" was entirely psychogenic. There is always the possibility of a prowler, of course, and it is quite likely that some sort of gas could be smelled at various times in Mattoon. But these things do not cause paralysis and palpitations. Hysteria does. The hypothesis of a marauder cannot be supported by any verifiable evidence. The hypothesis of hysteria, on the other hand, accounts for all the facts.
What, then, produced this mass hysteria? There are some gaps in the story, to be sure, but a fairly clear picture can now be drawn. Mrs. A had a mild hysterical attack, an event which is not at all uncommon, which is, on the contrary, familiar to most physicians. The crucial point is that her interpretation of her symptoms was rather dramatic--a quick look through any textbook (e.g., 5, 6) will convince any reader that hysterical symptoms usually are dramatic--arousing the interest of the press, with the result that an exciting uncritical story of the case appeared in the evening paper. As the news spread, other people reported similar symptoms, more exciting stories were written, and so the affair snow-balled.
But such acute outbursts are necessarily self-limiting. The bizarre details which captured the public imagination at the beginning of the episode became rather ridiculous when studied more leisurely. The drama of the story lost its tang with time and the absurdities showed through. For example, the volatility of the gas, which was such an asset in penetrating the physical barriers, became a liability when anyone tried to capture the gas and examine it. The facts seemed to evaporate as rapidly as the agent which produced them. At last the failure of the police and volunteers to find anyone or anything tangible (the best the news photographers could do was to pose women pointing at windows, babies crying, and men holding shotguns) combined with the statements of city officials in the paper produced a more critical public attitude. The attacks ceased. The critical attitude increased and spread, however, police business struck a new low. It is proper to say that the wave of suggestibility in Mattoon left a wave of contra-suggestibility in its wake. Objective records document this generalization.
Naturally the more suggestible people accepted the story at face value. Of these only a small percentage reported physical symptoms from "gassing," presumably because of some personal motivation toward, or gratification from, such symptoms. As might be predicted from psychological and psychiatric literature, those who succumbed to the "mental epidemic" were mostly women and were, on the average, below the general population in educational and economic level. This supports the above analysis and puts the "phantom anesthetist" of Mattoon, in some respects at least, into a familiar psychological pattern.

A Field Study of Mass Hysteria: Footnotes

by Donald M. Johnson, Ph.D.
  1. Bird, C. Social Psychology. New York: Appleton-Century, 1940.
  2. Cantril, H. The Invasion from Mars. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1940.
  3. Goodman, L., and Gilman, A. The Pharmacological Basis of Therapeutics. New York: Macmillan, 1940.
  4. Janet, P. The Mental State of Hystericals. New York: Putnam's, 1901.
  5. Rosanoff, A.J. (Ed.) Manual of Psychiatry. New York: Wiley, 1920.
  6. Sadler, W.S. Theory and Practice of Psychiatry. New York: Wiley, 1920.
  7. Schuler, E.A., and Parenton, V.J. "A recent epidemic of hysteria in a Louisiana high school." J. Soc. Psychol. 17, 221-235, 1943.
  8. U.S. Bureau of the Census, 16th Census of the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov't Printing Office, 1942.
  9. Illinois Daily Newspaper Markets. Paul L. Gorham, Leland Bldg., Springfield, Ill.

Abnormal Psychology article, Part 1

Abnormal Psychology

The "Phantom Anesthetist" of Mattoon

A Field Study of Mass Hysteria

by Donald M. Johnson, Ph.D.

The story of the "phantom anesthetist" begins in Mattoon, Illinois, on the first night of September, 1944, when a woman reported to the police that someone had opened her bedroom window and sprayed her with a sickish sweet-smelling gas which partially paralyzed her legs and made her ill. Soon other cases with similar symptoms were reported, and the police organized a full-scale effort to catch the elusive "gasser." Some of the Mattoon citizens armed themselves with shotguns and sat on their doorsteps to wait for him; some even claimed that they caught a glimpse of him and heard him pumping his spray gun. As the number of cases increased--as many as seven in one night--and the facilities of the local police seemed inadequate to the size of the task, the state police with radio-equipped squad cars were called in, and scientific crime detection experts went to work, analyzing stray rags for gaseous chemicals and checking the records of patients recently released from state institutions. Before long the "phantom anesthetist" of Mattoon had appeared in newspapers all over the United States, and Mattoon service men in New Guinea and India were writing home anxiously inquiring about their wives and mothers. After ten days of such excitement, when all victims had recovered and no substantial clues had been found, the police began to talk of "imagination" and some of the newspapers ran columns on "mass hysteria"; the episode of the "phantom anesthetist" was over.

Journalistically the story died in a few weeks. In the police records the last attack was reported on September 12. Scientifically, however, the episode demands attention as a fascinating psychological phenomenon. Only one case of a "mental epidemic" has been reported in recent years: an outburst of hysterical twitching in a Louisiana high school was described by Schuler and Parenton (7). They were unable to find any reference in the standard sources to hysterical epidemics in the United States for over forty years, and they raise the question whether these phenomena are disappearing. The writer, therefore, undertook an investigation of the Mattoon case, with two general aims: (1) to preserve, for the sake of the record, an accurate account of the events, and (2) to attempt an analysis of the psychological factors involved in these events. The investigation consisted chiefly of an analysis of the records in the Police Department and interviews with those who reported physical symptoms from the gas. The study was begun in the middle of September and continued until the end of the year, but most of the interviewing was done in October. All the work was done by the writer, who assumes responsibility for this report.

The Facts of the Case

Mattoon is a small Illinois city, located about 50 miles southeast of the center of the state. The population, according to the 1940 census, was 15,827, of which 98 per cent were native-born white. It is surrounded by rather prosperous farm land, and its economy is largely determined by this fact. In addition, it is a junction for the Illinois Central and the New York Central railroads, both of which maintain repair shops at this point. There are a few small industries, a shoe factory, a furniture factory, Diesel engine works, a foundry, and the like. All in all it is a fairly typical midwestern city. As a result of the war it has enjoyed a mild boom, but not an upsetting one.

The outlines of the story can be quickly set down as a background for discussion of specific questions. On September 1 about midnight Mrs. A had a friend telephone the police that she and her daughter had been gassed. The police found no signs of an intruder, but Mr. A reported that, when he came home about two hours later, he saw a man run from the window. The police were called again, and again they found nothing. The next evening the Mattoon Daily Journal-Gazette carried a front-page story on the "gas attack" and a headline: "ANESTHETIC PROWLER ON LOOSE." On the following day, Sunday the third, Mr. B reported to the police that he and his wife had had a similar occurrence. In the middle of the night of August 31--the night before Mrs. A's attack--he woke up sick, and retched, and asked his wife if the gas had been left on. When she woke up she was unable to walk. At first they had attributed these symptoms to hot dogs eaten the evening before. About the same time Mr. C, who works nights, told the press that his wife and daughter had likewise been attacked. The daughter woke up coughing and, when Mrs. C got up to take care of her, she could hardly walk. They did not suspect has until they read the papers next day. These two accounts appeared in the Mattoon paper on September 5, since no paper was printed on Sunday the third or Labor Day the fourth.

On the evening of September 5 two new attacks were recorded. Mrs. D came home with her husband about 10:30, picked up a cloth from the porch, smelled it, and reported that the fumes burned her mouth and lips so badly that they bled. Mr. E, who works nights, reported that his wife heard someone at the bedroom window, smelled gas, and was partially paralyzed by it.

On the sixth three more cases occurred, according to police records. On the seventh, none; on the eighth, four; on the ninth, five; and on the tenth, seven. This apparently was the climax of the affair, for no cases were reported on the eleventh, only one on the twelfth, and none thereafter. The symptoms reported were nausea and vomiting, palpitations, paralysis of the legs, dryness of the mouth and throat and, in one case at least, burns about the mouth. All cases recovered rapidly, hence there was little possibility for outside check on the symptoms. Four cases were seen by physicians, who diagnosed all cases as hysteria.

In at least three cases, so the testimony goes, the family dog "must have been gassed also" since he did not bark at the intruder.

Those who reported smelling the gas described it as "a musty smell," "sickish," "like gardenias," or "like cheap perfume." In some cases, though symptoms were reported, the gas was not smelled.

Police activity took several directions. Most important, probably, was the attempt to catch the "mad gasser" in flagrante delicto. The police answered all telephone calls as soon as possible and, when the state police came in the picture with modern radio equipment, were often able to surround a house, in the words of the Commissioner of Police, "before the phone was back on the hook." Despite all this and despite the amateur efforts of an excited citizenry no one was ever apprehended "in the act." Less direct procedures revolved around examination of a few objects found near houses where attacks had been reported, particularly chemical analysis of the cloth found by Mrs. D, and the usual round-up of suspicious characters. The results of these attempts were also negative. On the eleventh the Commissioner of Police put a note in the paper requesting that "roving bands of men and boys should disband," and that guns be put away "because some innocent person may get killed." About the same time the police adopted the policy of having the victims sent to a hospital for examination.

Gas or Hysteria?

Obviously something extraordinary took place in Mattoon, and for its explanation two hypotheses have been advanced. The "gasser" hypothesis asserts that the symptoms were produced by a gas which was sprayed on the victims by some ingenious fiend who has been able to elude the police. This explanation was disseminated by newspapers throughout the country, at the beginning of the episode at least, and it is widely believed in Mattoon at present. The alternative hypothesis is that the symptoms were due to hysteria.

The evidence for the "gasser" hypothesis comes from the reports of the victims concerning their symptoms, reports which are notoriously difficult to check. The fact that vomiting did occur was authenticated in a few cases by outside testimony but, since vomiting could produced by gas or hysteria or dietary indiscretions, the fact is not crucial. There is plenty of evidence from the police and other observers that the victims were emotionally upset by their experiences, but this too is not a crucial point.

Another difficulty with the "gasser" hypothesis is the self-contradictory demands it makes on the gas. In order to produce effects of the kind reported when sprayed through a window it would have to be a very potent stable anesthetic with rapid action, and at the same time so unstable that it would not affect others in the same room. It would have to be strong enough to produce vomiting and paralysis, and yet leave no observable after-effects. Study of a standard source on anesthetics and war gases (3) and consultation with medical and chemical colleagues at the University of Illinois indicates that the existence of such a gas is highly improbable. Chemists are extremely skeptical of the possibility that such an extraordinary gas could be produced by some "mad genius" working in a basement.

Several people reported seeing a prowler who might be the "anesthetist." This too is not an important matter since prowlers have been reported to the police in Mattoon once or twice a week for several years. And, of course, prowlers do not produce paralysis or dry throats.

A minor weakness in the gas hypothesis is the lack of a motive. No money was stolen, and the circumstances were such that there would be little gratification for a peeper.

The best evidence for the hysteria hypothesis is the nature of the symptoms and the fact that those cases seen by physicians--though there were only four-- were diagnosed as hysteria. All symptoms reported are common in hysteria and can be found in the medical literature for many years back. For example, here is a description of a mild hysterical attack dated about a hundred years ago. Janet (4) quotes it from Briquet:

I choose, for an example, what happens to a woman somewhat impressionable who experiences s quick and lively emotion. She instantly feels a constriction at the epigastrium; experiences oppression, her heart palpitates, something rises in her throat and chokes her; in short, she feels in all her limbs a discomfort which causes them in a way to drop; or else it is an agitation, a necessity for movement, which causes a contraction of the muscles. This is indeed the exact model of the most common hysterical accident, of the most ordinary hysterical spasm. The hypothesis of hysteria accounts for the rapid recovery of all victims and the lack of after-effects. It explains why no "gasser" was found in spite of mobilization of local and state police and volunteers. It accounts for the fact that nothing was stolen and that dogs did not bark. The objections to the hypothesis of hysteria come from the victims themselves--quite naturally--and from others who do not realize the intensity and variety of effects which are produced by psychological forces.

Some who like compromises may argue that these two explanations are not exclusive, that there may have been a "gasser" at first even though the later spread of the symptoms was a hysterical phenomenon. The "anesthetist" soon became scared and ceased his fiendish activities. We may grant the charm of compromise as a general thing but insist that the above arguments still hold--for the first part of the episode as well as the last. The hypothesis of hysteria fits all the evidence, without remainder.

Quantitative Data on Chronology

If we consider the whole affair as a psychogenic one, as a "mental epidemic" due chiefly to suggestion, the sequence of events takes on a particular significance, and fortunately a more-or-less objective chronology of the case is furnished by records of telephone calls to the Police Department. In the Mattoon Police Department the desk sergeant regularly records the date and time of all calls and a brief note of the nature of the call and subsequent police action. From these records calls specifically reporting a "gassing" were easily segregated. Another category of calls, usually designated as "prowler calls" by the police, was found to be useful. This designation means that someone phoned and reported that a man was acting strangely on the street, or that noises were heard on the back porch, and that, when the police answered the call, they could find no evidence of any damage or break-in. The records were broken down in this way for the period of the excitement and a few weeks before and after*

(*The writer is very grateful to Sgt. Edward Davidson for carrying out a day-by-day analysis of these records.) Figure I shows the trends which appear when these data are grouped into weekly intervals.

The "gasser" curve starts from zero, reaches a peak rapidly, and rapidly returns to the baseline, as one would expect. (The decline is actually quite sharp, as noted earlier, though in the figure it appears more gradual than the rise because of the grouping into weekly intervals.) The "prowler" curve rises and falls with the "gasser" curve, a parallel which cannot be merely coincidental. Since the police do not list a call as a "prowler" call if they find evidence of damage or entry, it is likely that these calls result, in many cases at least, from psychological causes operating in a vague or ambiguous perceptual situation. Thus, during a period of great excitement like a manhunt, when anticipation is intense, the number of "prowler" calls would increase.

Similarly, as the excitement subsides, the number of such calls would subside.

The most striking fact is that there were so few "prowler" calls in the last part of September and none whatever in October until just before Hallowe'en. This is very unusual, according to the police, and a check of the records for the same months in 1943 discloses no similar fluctuations. The only plausible explanation is that the lack of "prowler" calls results from the development of contra-suggestibility. After hearing of the "phantom anesthetist" and then of "imagination" and "hysteria," the people who ordinarily would have called the police when they heard a suspicious noise became critical and inhibited their "imagination."

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80 |            •
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0  |___|___|___|___|___|___|___|___|___|___|___|___|__
       6  13  20  27   3   10  17  24  1   8  15  22
            AUG.            SEPT.           OCT. 

Fig. 1. Analysis of Records of Telephone Calls to the Mattoon Police Department.
Gasser calls begin on September 2, increase rapidly, and decrease rapidly to zero. Prowler calls, which develop out of an unstructured situation, begin in this graph at their average level, rise with the excitement of the gasser episode, and fall to zero as contra-suggestibility develops. Total calls at the police station begin at the average level, rise with the increase in gasser activities, decline as contra-suggestibility develops, then return to the average level.

The curve for total calls is similar. Police business in general increased for a few weeks before coming back to normal.

In the light of the evidence presented thus far it seems proper to speak of a wave of excitement or a "mental epidemic" sweeping through Mattoon. The people who succumbed to the epidemic can be grouped into three classes according to the intensity of their response. In the first class are those who merely put off their evening stroll and locked their windows more carefully than usual. Such conduct would of course be called "sensible" and hardly requires any explanation, but it must be remembered that there were many in Mattoon--perhaps a majority--who completely ignored the incident. In the second class are those who reported to the police that they saw or heard a prowler. A report of this kind indicates a higher level of susceptibility since it means that suggestion enters into and complicates perception. The third class is made up of those who reported physical symptoms from "gassing." The occurrence of the physical symptoms indicates a high degree of suggestibility, on the average at least, and perhaps some constitutional predisposition to physical complaints as well.

Agencies of Communication

How was the suggestion carried to all these people so quickly and uniformly? There are three possibilities: direct face-to-face contact between victims, indirect conversation or gossip, and the newspapers. In talking to the victims the investigator attempted to determine when and how each had first heard of the "phantom anesthetist." The replies gave very little evidence of face-to-face contact. With the exception of four cases in which two people lived together and were "attacked" at the same time it seems that the victims were practically unknown to each other. The possibility of indirect contact through neighborhood chatting is a more likely one, and one which is difficult to check. The chief argument against this avenue of communication is that it takes time, and the "epidemic" spread rapidly. The cases were widely scattered throughout the town, and, as we shall see later, only about a third of the victims had telephones.

As a means of communication the newspaper is, of course, the most effective. According to 1941 figures (9) 97 per cent of Mattoon families read the Mattoon Daily Journal-Gazette every evening except Sunday. This is the only paper with a large circulation in Mattoon, and obviously it is the source to which most residents would turn for information in a case of this kind. It is necessary, therefore, to examine the Journal-Gazette's treatment of the story and to analyze its psychological influence.

The Mattoon Daily Journal-Gazette, which usually runs to about eight pages, resembles other small newspapers both in size and in editorial policy. In general its treatment of the news is conservative, and one would expect that its readers have confidence in its reliability. No one would consider it a "sensational" paper. When a headline "ANESTHETIC PROWLER ON LOOSE," appeared, therefore--as it did Saturday evening, September 2--it was no doubt taken at face value. The story which ran on the front page in a full column headed "Mrs. (A) and Daughter First Victims," was written as a straightforward news item. Including the headline it covered 47 square inches.* (*Measurement of newspaper space, as for our purposes, is not well standardized. In the present analysis the square inch is used, and the figures given include headlines and photographs as well as text. Those who like to think in terms of the column inch can halve these figures and get the length of a standard two-inch column which would contain the material.) In retrospect it makes rather interesting reading. The careful reader's eye is caught particularly by the word "First" in the heading, since only the one case is mentioned. Whether this was an instance of prophetic insight or merely an error is not known, but the word does now, and probably did then, arouse a tingle of anticipation.

On the next two days, Sunday and Labor Day, no paper was printed, but on Tuesday, the fifth, 26 square inches appeared on page six. On the sixth there were 40 square inches, including a headline, on the front page. On the seventh 29 square inches were used, including a headline, "MAD ANESTHETIST STRIKES AGAIN." No headline was used on the eighth and only 28 square inches of space. Objectively and in terms of newspaper space the excitement seemed to be dying down.

But note the first paragraph:

Mattoon's "mad anesthetist" apparently took a respite from his maniacal forays Thursday night and while many terror stricken people were somewhat relieved they were inclined to hold their breath and wonder when and where he might strike next.
Several attacks were reported that night, and on the evening of the ninth a three-quarter-inch headline was used, crowding the war news to a secondary position. In all, the story took up 51 square inches of space. Evidently the climax is approaching. Up to this point the reader is treated to an absorbing horror story--with a mysterious marauder whose "maniacal forays" increase in a fantastic crescendo, a frightful new scientific device for gassing the victims, and a succession of tantalizing clues. His interest may be aroused to the point where he participates in the manhunt--vicariously, through reading about the scientific investigations of the state crime-detection experts or trying out his own hunches, or actually, by following the police cars or patrolling the streets. In other cases it was not the thrill of the chase which was aroused but apprehension and fear. It was in these people that the hysterical symptoms appeared.

On the eleventh (the tenth was Sunday) the tone of the story, the headline contained the phrase "few real" and the treatment is critical. No headline was used on the twelfth and the keynote phrase was "hysteria abates"; the story took up 28 square inches. The next evening a comical twist is given to the affair, expanding it to 59 square inches about two false alarms which turned out to be a black cat and a doctor trying to break into his own office after he had forgotten his keys. On the fourteenth the account falls to 19 square inches, and next evening it is put back on page six with only 14 square inches, although a box of 10 square inches appeared on the front page telling how widely the story had been circulated.

The Journal-Gazette dropped the affair from this point to the twentieth, when an editorial was printed, apparently in reply to some ribbing by a Decatur paper. The editorial asserted that, although much of the excitement may have been due to hysteria, there really had been some odors in Mattoon--perhaps blown up from Decatur. With this epilogue the drama takes its leave from the columns of the Mattoon Daily Journal-Gazette.

Of the out-of-town newspapers the Chicago Daily Tribune and the Chicago Daily News have the largest circulations in Mattoon, with coverages of 24 per cent and 20 per cent respectively (9). The Tribune started the story on the sixth with 10 square inches each day thereafter until the fifteenth. The editorial viewpoint of the story became skeptical about the twelfth. The Daily News' treatment was similar except that it ran photographs and did not question the authenticity of the "anesthetist." These papers have enough circulation in Mattoon to have an important influence but, since they came in late and since their readers read the local paper also, their influence was probably merely one of emphasis and reinforcement.

The Chicago Herald-American, though its coverage in Mattoon is only about 5 per cent (9), handled the story most thoroughly and most sensationally. Its text and photographs were often cited to the investigator. It started late--on the eighth--with 41 square inches, including a photograph. The opening paragraphs of the front-page story which appeared on the tenth are worth quoting:

Groggy as Londoners under protracted aerial blitzing, this town's bewildered citizens reeled today under repeated attacks of a mad anesthetist who has sprayed a deadly nerve gas into 13 homes and has knocked out 27 victims. Seventy others dashing to the area in response to the alarm, fell under the influence of the gas last night.
All skepticism has vanished and Mattoon grimly concedes it must fight haphazardly against a demented phantom adversary who has been seen only fleetingly and so far has evaded traps laid by city and state police and posses of townsmen.

By the eleventh the story was up to 71 square inches, including a 1-1/2-inch headline: "STATE HUNTS GAS MADMAN." On the twelfth it was given 95 square inches, with pictures of crying babies on the front page. After that the account becomes somewhat critical but continues to carry hints that the "gasser" may be a woman, or an apeman, and the like. On Sunday, the seventeenth, however, after the other papers had dropped the story, the Herald-American printed a long interview with a psychiatrist, Dr. Harold Hulburt, beginning at the top of the front page above the headline, and covering 196 square inches, with several photographs. This article discusses the dynamics of hysteria in general and includes some sympathetic conjectures regarding unconscious motives of Mrs. A. Further articles resulting from the interview with the psychiatrist appeared on the eighteenth and the twentieth. On December 3 The American Weekly, a Sunday supplement of the Herald-American, carried a full-page article by Donald Laird entitled "The Manhunt for Mr. Nobody."

The story was carried by the press services and was used or ignored by newspapers throughout the country according to their editorial policies. The New York Times, for instance, did not refer to it, while PM had 12 square inches on the seventh and 5 on the twelfth. The Stars & Stripes (London Edition) carried 7 square inches on the eleventh. Among the weeklies, Newsweek for September 18 carried 20 square inches, while Time for the same date carried 26. Both of these accounts were skeptical--Time was even sarcastic--but neither dared come to any definite conclusions. Time elevated the number of cases at the peak from seven to seventeen. Dispatch, a weekly of the Persian Gulf Command, gave it 13 square inches on the eighteenth.* *Radio treatment of the story was not considered important enough to warrant study. There is no radio station at Mattoon, and no one in Mattoon or elsewhere mentioned a radio account to the investigator. In general, radio editors treat these stories conservatively.

Striking evidence of the interest aroused by these accounts comes from the large number of letters and telegrams--estimated at about 300--which were received by Mattoon officials from all over the United States. The writer examined a sample of 30 of these and found half of them more-or-less sensible, though ill-informed, containing suggestions for capturing the "menace." The other half could be judged psychopathic--on the basis of ideas of self-reference, intensity of affect. and the combination of poor judgment with good vocabulary and expression. Paranoid trends were common.